Fidel V. Ramos

FIDEL V.  RAMOS

(1992- 1998)

        Si Fidel Valdez Ramos (ipinanganak Marso 18, 1928) ay ang ikalabing-dalawang Pangulo ng Republika ng Pilipinas (Hunyo 30, 1992 - Hunyo 30, 1998). Isinilang siya noong Marso 18, 1928 saLingayen, Pangasinan. Panganay siya sa tatlong anak nina Narciso Ramos at Angela Valdez.

        Nagtapos siya sa United States Military Academy sa West Point noong 1950. Kumuha rin siya ng masteral ng civil engineering sa University of Illinois, Masters in Business Administration saPamantasang Ateneo de Manila, at nanguna sa klase niya sa Infantry training at kursong Special Forces/Pay Operations/Airborne sa Fort Benning, Georgia.

        Bumalik siya sa Pilipinas noong 1951 at naging heavy weapon platoon leader ng Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas. Ipinadala rin siya sa mga digmaan ng Korea at Vietnam. Naging tanyag siya sa pamumuno sa isang pulutong ng mga sundalong tumalo sa pwersang komunista ng mga Tsino sa Labanan sa Burol ng Eerie. Kabilang sa mga medalya at parangal na natanggap niya bilang sundalo ang Philippine Legion of Honor, ang Gold Cross, ang Philippine Military Merit Medal, ang United States Legion of Merit, ang French Legion of Honor at ang U.S. Military Academy Distinguished Award.

        Inatasan siyang maging pinuno ng Philippine Constabulary noong 1972, hepe ng Integral National Police noong 1975, at pangalawang pinuno ng Sandatahang Lakas noong 1981. Noong 1983, pansamantala niyang pinalitan si Fabian Ver, pinuno noon ng Sandatahang Lakas, nang ito ay masangkot sa pagkakapaslang sa lider-opososyon si Benigno S. Aquino Jr.

        Noong 1986, tinangkaang agawin ni Ferdinand Marcos ang pagkapanalo ni Corazon Aquino, balo ni Benigno Aquino, sa halalang pangpanguluhan. Nakiisa si Ramos kay Juan Ponce Enrile, noong kalihim ng Tanggulang Pambansa, sa pagkubkob sa mga himpilan ng sandatahang lakas. Ang sumunod dito ay tinaguriang People Power Revolution na nagtulak kay Marcos na lumikas patungongEstados Unidos. Naluklok si Aquino sa pagkapangulo. Ginawang ni Aquino na hepe ng sandatahang lakas si Ramos. Pagkaran ng dalawang taon, si Ramos ay naging kalihim na Tanggulang Pambansa.

        Noong 1992, tumakbo siya at nanalong pangulo ng bansa. Bilang pangulo, naging priyoridad niya ang pagsasaayos sa estruktura ng pamahalaan, na nagbigay ng karagdagang kapangyarihan sa pamahalaang lokal. Hinikayat niya ang dayuhang pamumuhunan, lalo na sa turismo, na naging bahagi ng kanyang programa para sa kaunlaran.

        Si Fidel V. Ramos ay kasal kay Amelita Martinez at mayroon silang limang anak na babae.

Mga Programa ni Ramos:

·         Philippines 2000

·         Anti-Subversion Law

·         Migrant Worker’s Protection

·         Special Zone of Peace Development in Southern Philippines (ZOPAD)

·         Metro Manila Skyway

·         Sports for All Programs

·         Doctors to the Barrios Program

·         Cooperative Institute

·         Local Disaster Coordinating Council

·         Disaster Control Group

·         Sagip – Batang Manggagawa

·         Centennial Commission

http://tl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fidel_V._Ramos

  

Fidel "Eddie" Valdez Ramos (born March 18, 1928), popularly known as FVR, was the 12th President of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998. During his six years in office, Ramos was widely credited and admired by many for revitalizing and renewing international confidence in the Philippine economy.

Prior to his election as president, Ramos served in the Cabinet of President Corazon Aquino first as chief-of-staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and, later on, as Secretary of National Defense from 1986 to 1991.

During the historic 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, Ramos upon the invitation of then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was hailed as a hero even though he was not part of the plan by many Filipinos for his decision to break away from the administration of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos and pledge allegiance and loyalty to the newly-established revolutionary government of President Aquino, following the downfall of Marcos from power in February 1986. Previously, he was the AFP vice chief-of-staff, chief of PC/INP under President Marcos.

Under Ramos, the Philippines experienced a period of political stability and rapid economic growth and expansion, as a result of his policies and programs designed to foster national reconciliation and unity. Ramos was able to secure major peace agreements with Muslim separatists, communist insurgents and military rebels, which renewed investor confidence in the Philippine economy. Ramos also aggressively pushed for the deregulation of the nation's major industries and the privatization of bad government assets. As a result of his hands-on approach to the economy, the Philippines were dubbed by various international magazines and observers as Asia's Next Economic Tiger.

However, the momentum in the economic gains made under the Ramos Administration was briefly interrupted during the onset of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Nevertheless, during the last year of the term, the economy managed to make a rebound since it was not severely hit by the crisis as compared to other Asian economies.

He is the only Filipino to receive an honorary British Knighthood from the United Kingdom, the GCMG or the Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George. This was bestowed to him by Queen Elizabeth II in 1995 for services to politics and government.

To date, Ramos is the first and only non-Catholic President of the Philippines. He belongs to the Protestant United Church of Christ in the Philippines.

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION

Fidel Ramos was born on March 18, 1928 in Lingayen, Pangasinan. His father, Narciso Ramos (1900–1986), was a lawyer, journalist and 5-term legislator of the House of Representatives, who eventually rose to the position of Secretary of Foreign Affairs. As such, Narciso Ramos was the Philippine signatory to the ASEAN declaration forged in Bangkok in 1967 and was one of the founding fathers of the Liberal Party. His mother, Angela Valdez-Ramos (1905–1977), was an educator, woman suffragette and daughter of the respected Valdez clan of Batac, Ilocos Norte making him a second degree cousin to Ferdinand Marcos.

Ramos was educated at the United States Military Academy and University of Illinois, where he earned a master's degree in civil engineering. He also holds a master's degree in National Security Administration from the National Defense College of the Philippines and a Master's in Business Administration (MBA) from the Ateneo de Manila University.

MILITARY CAREERS

Early Military career

Ramos went to the United States Military Academy at West Point, and he graduated in 1950. Ramos, along with the Philippines' 20th Battalion Combat Team and his fellow West Point graduates of the 1950s, fought in the Korean War. Ramos was one of the heroes of the Battle of Hill Eerie,[3] where he led his platoon to sabotage the enemy in Hill Eerie.[4] He was also present in the Vietnam War as a non-combat civil military engineer and commanding officer of the Philippine Civil Action Group (PHILCAG). It is during this assignment where he forged his life-long friendship with his junior officer Maj. Jose T. Almonte, who went on to become his National Security Advisor all throughout during his administration from 1992-1998.

Ramos has received several military awards including the Philippine Legion of Honor, the Distinguished Conduct Star, Philippine Military Merit Medal, the United States Legion of Merit, the French Legion of Honor and the U.S. Military Academy Distinguished Graduate Award.

Headed the Philippine Constabulary and Integrated National Police. Responsible for the arrest of political personalities, media and activists etc.

Combat record

When belittled by the press regarding his combat record, Ramos responded with trademark sarcasm (July 31, 1987):

I fought the communists as part of the battalion combat teams, I went up the ladder. Battalion staff officer. Company commander. Task Force commander. Special Forces group commander. Brigade commander. All in different periods in our country. Huk campaign. Korean War campaign. The Vietnam War, and I was the head of the advance party of the PHILCAG (Philippine Civil Action Group to Vietnam) that went to a tiny province at the Cambodian border - the so-called Alligator Jaw - War Zone Z where even Max Soliven said ‘The Viet-Cong will eat us up.’ Of course, we were physically there as non-combat troops. But you try to be a non-combat troop in a combat area - that is the toughest kind of assignment.

Korea - as a platoon leader. Recon leader. What is the job of a recon leader? To recon the front line - no man’s land. And what did we do? I had to assault a fortified position of the Chinese communists and wiped them out. And what is this Special Forces group that we commanded in the Army - '62-'65? That was the only remaining combat unit in the Philippine Army. The rest were training in a division set-up. We were in Luzon. We were in Sulu. And then, during the previous regime, Marawi incident. Who was sent there? Ramos. We defended the camp, being besieged by 400 rebels.

So next time, look at the man’s record, don't just write and write. You said, no combat experience, no combat experience. Look around you who comes from the platoon, who rose to battalion staff, company commander, group commander, which is like a battalion, brigade commander, here and abroad. Abroad, I never had an abroad assignment that was not combat. NO SOFT JOBS FOR RAMOS. Thirty-seven years in the Armed Forces. REMEMBER THAT. You’re only writing about the fringe, but do not allow yourself to destroy the armed forces by those guys. You write about the majority of the Armed Forces who are on the job.

That's why we're here enjoying our freedom, ladies and gentlemen. You are here. If the majority of the Armed Forces did not do their job, I doubt very much if you’d all be here.[5]

Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and Secretary of National Defense

After Aquino assumed the Presidency, she appointed Ramos Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and later Secretary of National Defense. During this time, Ramos personally handled the military operations that crushed nine coup attempts against the Aquino government. During Ramos' presidency, the National Unification Commission was created, and its chairman Haydee Yorac, together with Ramos, recommended to President Aquino to grant amnesty to the rebel military officers of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) led by Col. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan.

1992 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1992

In December 1991, Ramos declared his candidacy for President. He however, lost the nomination of the dominant party Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) to House Speaker Ramon Mitra, Jr. Days later, he bolted and did not respect LDP and cried foul and founded the Partido Lakas Tao (People Power Party), inviting Cebu Governor Emilio Mario Osmeña as his Vice President. The party formed a coalition with the National Union of Christian Democrats (NUCD) of Senator Raul Manglapus and the United Muslim Democrats of the Philippines (UMDP) of Ambassador Sanchez Ali. Ramos and Osmeña, together with Congressman (later House Speaker) Jose de Venecia, campaigned for economic reforms and improved national security and unity.

He won the seven-way race on May 11, 1992, narrowly defeating populist Agrarian Reform Secretary Miriam Defensor Santiago. Despite winning, he garnered only 23.58% of the vote, the lowest plurality in the country's history. The election results were marred by allegations of fraud, though cheating on a large scale has not been proven. However, his running mate, Governor Osmeña, lost to Senator Joseph Estrada as Vice President.[citation needed]

PRESIDENCY

Main article: Presidency of Fidel V. Ramos

At the time of his assumption into power, Ramos was the oldest person to become President of the Philippines at the age of 64. He is also the first Protestant President of the country and the only Filipino officer in history to have held every rank in the Philippine military from Second Lieutenant to Commander-in-Chief. The first few years of his administration (1992–1995) were characterized by economic boom, technological development, political stability and efficient delivery of basic needs to the people. During his time, he advocated party platforms as outline and agenda for governance. As in his case, he was the first Christian Democrat to be elected in the country, being the founder of Lakas-CMD (Christian-Muslim Democrats Party). He was the one of the most influential leaders and the unofficial spokesman of liberal democracy in Asia.[6]

POWER CRISIS

The Philippines then was experiencing widespread brownouts due to huge demand for electricity and antiquity of power plants, the abolishment of the Department of Energy and discontinuation of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Aquino administration. During his State of the Nation address on July 27, 1992, he requested that the Congress enact a law that would create an Energy Department that would plan and manage the Philippines' energy demands. Congress not only created an Energy Department but gave him special emergency powers to resolve the power crisis. Using the powers given to him, Ramos issued licenses to independent power producers (IPP) to construct power plants within 24 months. Ramos issued supply contracts that guaranteed the government would buy whatever power the IPPs produced under the contract in U.S. dollars to entice investments in power plants. This became a problem during the East Asian Financial Crisis when the demand for electricity contracted and the Philippine peso lost half of its value.

The country was considered risky by investors due to previous coup attempts by military adventurists led by Gregorio Honasan, and experienced brownouts at an almost daily basis lasting 4–12 hours during the term of President Aquino. The low supply of power and perceived instability had previously held back investments and modernization in the country. Under Ramos, the Philippines was a pioneer in the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) scheme where private investors are invited to build certain government projects (i.e. tollways, powerplants, railways, etc.), make money by charging users, and transfer operation to the government after a set amount of time.

ECONOMIC REFORMS

During his administration, Ramos began implementing economic reforms intended to open up the once-closed national economy, encourage private enterprise, invite more foreign and domestic investment, and reduce corruption. Ramos was also known as the most-traveled Philippine President compared to his predecessors with numerous foreign trips abroad, generating about US$ 20 billion worth of foreign investments to the Philippines. To ensure a positive financial outlook on the Philippines, Ramos led the 4th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Summit in the Philippines on November 1996.

Under his administration, the Philippines enjoyed economic growth and stability. The Philippine Stock Exchange in the mid-1990s was one of the best in the world and his visions of 'Philippines 2000' that led the country into a newly industrialized country in the world and the "Tiger Cub Economy in Asia".

Philippines 2000 Five-Point Program:

Peace and Stability

Economic Growth and Sustainable Development

Energy and Power Generation

Environmental Protection

Streamlined Bureaucracy

DEATH PENALTY

Main article: Capital punishment in the Philippines

While campaigning for the presidency, Fidel Ramos declared his support for reinstating the death penalty. Capital punishment was abolished for all crimes in 1987, making the Philippines the first Asian country to do so. In 1996 Ramos signed a bill that returned capital punishment with the electric chair (method used from 1923 to 1976, making Philippines the only country to do so outside U.S.) "until the gas chamber could be installed".[8] However, no one was electrocuted nor gassed, because the previously-used chair was destroyed earlier and the Philippines adopted the lethal injection. Some people were put to death by this means, until the death penalty was abolished again in 2006.

PEACE WITH SEPARATISTS

Ramos, a military general himself, made peace with the rebel panels. He was instrumental in the signing of the final peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari in 1996.

Although he battled Communist rebels as a young lieutenant in the 1950s, Ramos made a bold move when he signed into law Republic Act 7636, which repealed the Anti-Subversion Law. With its repeal, membership in the once-outlawed Communist Party of the Philippines became legal.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fidel_V._Ramos

Manuel L. Quezon

MANUEL L. QUEZON

(1935-1944)

Date of Birth: August 19, 1878

Place of Birth: Baler, Tayabas (Province of Aurora)

Date of Death: August 1, 1944

Father: Quezon

Mother: Mari Dolores Molina

Wife: Aurora Aragon

Children:

Maria Aurora

Maria Zeneida

Luiza Corazon Paz

Manuel

Known as the father of the Filipino Language, Manuel Luis Quezon as a Filipino statesman, leader of the independence movement and first president if the Philippine Commonwealth establish under the United States in 1935.

            Quezon was educated at an early age. His mother was his first teacher. She taught him Catechism and how to read and write Spanish. At age seven, Quezon already knew Latin, religion, geography and Spanish grammar.

Even though life was hard for him, Quezon strived to finish his education. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree with highest honors at the San Juan de Let ran in 1894. Although he obtained his Bachelor of law degree at the University of Santo Tomas, it was cut short because of the Philippines- American War.

Quezon became a major in the troop led by General Tomas Mascardo during the Philippine-American War.

He returned to his studies after the far and graduated summa cum laude from the Santo Tomas in 1903. He also garnered fourth place in the bar examinations held that year.

Quezon started to practice law in 1903 and made a name for himself. He was a lawyer under the firm of Francisco Ortega’s.

He entered public service as provincial fiscal of Mindoro in 1904 and later as governor of Tayabas in 1905 as an independent candidate. He was elected to the Philippine Assembly under the Partido Naciolista in 1907.

In 1909, he was appointed Resident Commissioner for the Philippines in Washington D. C. Until 1916 where he pushed for and fought for Philippine independence. He returned to the Philippines after ensuring the approval of the Jones Law, which established the Senate of the Philippines.

He was elected to the Senate and become Senate President in 1923.

Quezon returned to the United State and led the first Independence Mission to the US Congress. In 1934, he succeeded in bringing home the Tidings- McDuffie Independence law. The law ensured the establishment of a Commonwealth Government in ten years time after which the Country would be given freedom, free tax importation of Philippine products like sugar, cooking oil and to the United State, and the diplomatic negotiation in the military issue.

Quezon was elected president of the Commonwealth on September 17, 1935 with Sergio Osmena as his vice president.

He was re-elected to the same post in 1941.

Quezon was the very first Filipino president to reside in Malacanang Palace.

During his administration, Quezon looked into the problems of  the landless peasants, reorganization of the islands military defence and proposal for land reform among others.

Quezon issued Commonwealth Law No. 570 that initiated the official use of the national language.

Because of the Second World War, the Commonwealth Government was moved to the United States where Quezon formed a government in exile with Sergio Osmena. He governed the Philippines up to the last days of his life.

Quezon was best remembered with this words; I would prefer a worst government run by Filipino to an ideal government run by Americans.

His autobiography, titled The Good Fight, was published in 1946.

Quezon City and the Province of Quezon were named in his honor.

Manuel Luis Quezón y Molina (August 19, 1878 – August 1, 1944) served as president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines from 1935 to 1944. He was the first Filipino to head a government of the Philippines. Quezón is considered by most Filipinos to have been the second president of the Philippines, after Emilio Aguinaldo (1897–1901).

Quezón was the first Senate president elected to the presidency, the first president elected through a national election, and the first incumbent to secure re-election (for a partial second term, later extended, due to amendments to the 1935 Constitution). He is known as the "Father of the National Language".

During his presidency, Quezón tackled the problem of landless peasants in the countryside. Other major decisions include reorganization of the islands military defense, approval of recommendation for government reorganization, promotion of settlement and development in Mindanao, tackling foreign strangle-hold on Philippine trade and commerce, proposals for land reform and the tackling of graft and corruption within the government. Quezón established an exiled government in the US with the outbreak of the war and the threat of Japanese invasion. During his exile in the US, Manuel Quezón died of tuberculosis in Saranac Lake, New York.

EARLY LIFE AND CAREER

Quezón, was born in Baler, Tayabas (now Aurora). His Spanish mestizo parents were Lucio Quezón and María Dolores Molina. His father was a primary grade school teacher from Paco, Manila, and also a retired Sergeant in the Spanish colonial army, while his mother was a primary grade school teacher in their hometown.

Although both his parents must have contributed to his education, he received most of his primary education from the public school established by the Spanish government in his village, as part of the establishment of the system of free public education in the Philippines, as he himself testified during his speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States during the discussion of Jones Bill, in 1914. [1] He later boarded at the Colegio de San Juan de Letran where he completed secondary school.

In 1898, his father Lucio and his brother Pedro were ambushed and killed by armed men while on their way home to Baler from Nueva Ecija. Some historians believe they were murdered by bandits who also robbed their money, while others believe the killings could have been related to their loyalty to the Spanish government.

In 1899 Quezon cut short his law studies at the University of Santo Tomas in Manila, to participate in the struggle for independence against the United States, led by Emilio Aguinaldo. During the Philippine-American War he was an ayuda-de-campo to Emilio Aguinaldo.[2] He rose to the rank of Major and fought in the Bataan sector. However, after Aguinaldo was captured in 1901, Quezón returned to the university and passed the bar examinations in 1903, achieving a fourth place.

He worked for a time as a clerk and surveyor, entering government service as an appointed fiscal for Mindoro and later Tayabas. He became a councilor and was elected governor of Tayabas in 1906 as an independent.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_L._Quezon

Si Manuel Luis Quezon y Molina (Agosto 19, 1878 – Agosto 1, 1944) ay ang ikalawang Pangulo ng Republika ng Pilipinas (Nobyembre 15, 1935–Agosto 1, 1944). Siya ang kinilala bilang ikalawang pangulo ng Pilipinas, kasunod ni Emilio Aguinaldo (na ang administrasyon ay hindi kinilala ng ibang bansa sa mga panahong iyon at hindi kinilala bilang unang pangulo sa mga kapisanang internasyunal).

BUHAY

Ipinanganak si Manuel L. Quezon sa Baler, sa lalawigan ng Tayabas (tinatawag na ngayong Aurora) noong Agosto 19, 1878. Ang tunay niyang pangalan ay Manuel Luis M. Quezon. Anak siya nina Lucio Quezon at Maria Dolores Molina, kapwa mga guro. Nagtapos siya ng pag-aaral mula sa Colegio de San Juan de Letran noong 1893. Bilang isang binata, nakilahok siya sa pag-aalsa laban sa mga Kastila. Nakipaglaban din siyang kasama ng mga Pilipinong Nasyonalista sa panahon ng Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano, bilang katulong ni Emilio Aguinaldo. Naipakulong siya dahil sa gawaing ito. Makaraang palayain, nanumpa siya ng katapatan sa Estados Unidos.

Naging manananggol si Quezon sa Baler. Noong 1906, nahalal siya bilang gobernador ng lalawigan ng Tayabas, ngunit nagbitiw upang makapangampanya para sa Asambleya ng Pilipinas, kung saan nakamit niya ang pagiging pinuno ng Asambleya. Mula 1909 hanggang 1916, nagsilbi si Quezon sa Estados Unidos bilang naninirahang komisyonero para sa Pilipinas. Sa panahong ito naipasa ang Batas Jones (Jones Act), nagtatanggal sa Komisyon sa Pilipinas ng Estados Unidos at nagbibigay ng mas mataas na antas ng pamamahala sa mga Pilipino. Dahil dito, itinuring na bayani si Quezon nang muli siyang magbalik sa Pilipinas.

Sa sumunod na dalawang taon, naglingkod siya bilang pangulo ng Senado ng Pilipinas. Noong 1935, nanalo si Manuel L. Quezon sa unang halalan ng pagkapangulo ng Pilipinas sa ilalim ng bagong Komonwelt ng Pilipinas, laban kina Emilio Aguinaldo at Obispo Gregorio Aglipay. Muli siyang nahalal noong 1941.

Pagkaraan ng pananakop ng Hapon sa Pilipinas sa panahon ng Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig, tumakas siya papuntang Australya, at pagkaraan nagtuloy sa Estados Unidos. Sa dalawang bansang ito niya pinamunuan ang pamahalaan ng Pilipinas habang malayo sa bansa.

Nagkasakit ng tuberkulosis si Quezon at namatay sa Saranac Lake, Franklin County, New York noong Agosto 1, 1944 sa edad na 66.[1] Unang inilibing ang kanyang labi sa Arlington National Cemetery. Pagkaraan, ang kanyang labi ay inilibing muli sa Maynila, sa Manila North Cemetery at inilipat sa Lungsod Quezon sa loob ng monumento sa Quezon Memorial Circle.

Ipinangalan sa kaniya ang Lungsod ng Quezon sa Kalakhang Maynila at ang lalawigan ng Quezon.Siya rin ay tinawag bilang 'Ama ng Wika'

http://tl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_L._Quezon

President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos

FERDINAND MARCOS

(1965-1986)

Si Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (Setyembre 11, 1917 - Setyembre 28, 1989) ang ika-10 Pangulo ng Pilipinas na nanungkulan mula 1965 hanggang 1986. Siya ay isang abugado, kasapi ng Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan mula 1949 hanggang 1959 at kasapi ng Senado ng Pilipinas mula 1959 hanggang 1965. Noong Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig, siya ay naging lider-gerilya sa hilagang Luzon. Noong 1963, siya ay naging Pangulo ng Senado kapalit ni Senador Eulogio Rodriguez, Sr.. Bilang Pangulo ng Pilipinas, kahanga-hanga ang kanyang mga nagawa sa larangan ng diplomasya at pagpapagawa ng mga mahahalagang imprastraktura sa bansa. Ngunit, ang tagumpay ng kanyang pangasiwaan ay nabahiran ng talamak na katiwalian, paniniil sa karapatang pantao, at panunupil sa oposisyon. Bumagsak ang kanyang pamunuan sa Rebolusyon sa EDSA na naganap noong 1986.

PAGKABATA

Isinilang si Marcos noong Setyembre 11, 1917 sa bayan ng Sarrat, Ilocos Norte. Ang kanyang mga magulang ay sina Don Mariano Marcos at Josefa Edralin, kapwa mga guro. Siya ay lumaki sa bayan ng Batac at doon nakapagtapos ng kanyang pag-aaral mula elementarya hanggang sa mataas na paaralan ng may karangalan.

Siya ay kumuha ng kursong abugasya sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. Noong 1938, si Marcos ay kinasuhan at nahatulan sa salang pagpatay kay Julio Nalundasan, mahigpit na kalaban sa pulitika ng kanyang ama. Habang nasa kulungan, nag-aral at nakapasa ng may pinakamataas na marka sa eksamen sa bar noong 1938. Inapela ni Marcos ang hatol ng Hukuman ng Unang Dulugan (Court of First Instance) sa Kataas-taasang Hukuman (Kataas-taasang Hukuman ng Pilipinas). Hinangaan ng Kataas-taasang Hukuman ang kanyang katalinuhan at binaligtad nito ang hatol ng mababang hukuman sa Laoag.

TALAMBUHAY

Si Ferdinand E. Marcos ang itinuturing na isa sa pinakamatalinong naging pangulo ng bansa, hindi lamang sa temang akademiko kundi pati sa kanyang ginawa upang mapanitili niya ang sarili sa posisyon sa loob ng mahigit dalawampung taon. Siya ang Ikaanim na Pangulo ng Ikatlong Republika ng Pilipinas.

Si Marcos ay isinilang noong Setyembre 11, 1917 sa Sarrat, Ilocos Norte. Ang kanyang magulang ay sina Don Mariano R. Marcos at Donya Josefa Edralin. Apat silang magkakapatid, sila, si Dr. Pacifico, Elizabeth at Fortuna. Ang kanyang ama ay naging kongresista ng Ilocos at gobernador ng Davao. Si Donya Josefa naman ay isang dating guro sa kanilang bayan.

Sa kanyang kabataan pa lamang ay kinakitaan na siya ng katalinuhan. Palagi siyang mayroong karangalang nakukuha magmula sa elementarya hanggang sa magtapos siya ng mataas na paaralan. Limang taong gulang lamang siya nang pumasok sa elementarya sa Sarrat Central School. Sa pamantasan ng Pilipinas Siya nagtapos ng Mataas ng Paaralan noong 1933. Sa pamantasan ding iyon siya kumuha ng Abogasya at nagtapos bilang Cum Laude noong Marso, 1939. Nakamit niya ang President Manuel Quezon Medal Award dahil sa kanyang Graduation Thesis.

Siya ay iskolar sa buong panahon ng kanyang pag- aaral sa Pamantasan ng Pilipinas at naging kilala siya sa campus dahil sa kanyang kahusayan sa debate at pagtatalumpati. Maging sa larangan ng palakasan tulad ng swimming, boxing, at wrestling ay kinilala siya. Isa rin siyang sharpshooter sa paghawak ng baril. Siya ang nakakuha ng pinakamataas na karangalan sa Military Science and Tactics sa buong Pamantasan. Nagsulat din siya sa Philippines Collegian, ang opisyal na pahayagan ng Pamantasan ng Pilipinas.

Nagri- review noon si Ferdinand para sa bar exams nang matalo ang kanyang ama sa muli nitong pagtakbo bilang kongresista. Ang tumalo dito, si Julio Nalundasan ay nabaril at namatay pagkatapos ng halalan. Si Ferdinand ang napagbintangan, at kahit pa nga isang mahusay na abogado ang nagtanggol sa kanya, nahatulan pa rin siya ng labimpitong taong pagkabilanggo.

Nasa loob siya ng kulungan ng maging topnotcher sa bar exams at nang maging ganap na abugado ay hiniling niya sa Kataas- taasang Hukuman na payagansiyang ipagtanggol ang sarili sa kasong ibinintang sa kanya. Dahil sa kanyang talino at kahusayan ay pinayagan siya ng Korte Suprema. Nanalo siya at napawalang- sala. Tinanghal siyang lawyer of the year at hinangaan ng mga kapwa abogado.

Nang sumiklab ang Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig ay naglingkod siya sa hukbong sandatahan ng Pilipinas. Nakasama siya sa Martsa ng Kamatayan at nakaranas ng hirap at sakit bilang bilanggo ng digmaan sa Kuta Santiago at Capas, Tarlac. Naging meydor siya bago bumalik sa sibilyang buhay.

Nagsimula ang kanyang pagpasok sa pulitika nang matapos ang digmaan. Kumandidato siya sa pagka- kongresista ng Ilocos Norte at siya ay nanalo. Ang unang pinagtuunan niya ng pansin ay ang kalagayan ng mga magsasaka sa kanilang lalawigan at sa buong bansa na rin.

Nang sumunod na halalan, 1953, ay muli siyang nanalong kongresista at naging assistant minority floor leader sa kongreso. Dito niya nakalapit si Daniel Romualdez na pinsan ni Imelda. Sa pamamagitan ni Daniel ay nagkakilala sila ni Imelda na naging Miss Manila (Ginang Maynila). Sinasabi na naging makulay ang pag- iibigan nina Ferdinand at Imelda. Ikinasal sila sa Huwes noong Mayo 1, 1954. Sina dating pangulong Ramon Magsaysay ang nagging ninong nila sa kasal. Tatlo ang kanilang naging anak, sina Imee, Ferdinand Jr. at Irene.

Hindi na napigil ang pag- imbulog ni Marcos sa larangan ng pulitika. Sa ikatlong pagkakataon ay nahalal siyang kongresista noong 1957 at senador naman noong 1959. Noong Nobyembre 9, 1965, nanalong pangulo si Marcos at pangalawang pangulo naman si Eugenio Lopez. Natalo nila sina Diosdado Macapagal at Gerry Roxas. Umalingawngaw sa buong bansa ang kanyang slogan, “Magiging Dakilang muli ang bansang ito!”

Totoo sa kanyang slogan, pinangatawanan ni Marcos ang pagbangon sa bansa mula sa mahirap na kalagayan nito. Nahaharap noon ang bansa sa malalaking suliranin tulad ng kakapusan ng salapi para sa edukasyon , tanggulang bansa, mga pagawain at para sa kalusugan. Gayunman, nakapagpagawa siya ng maraming patubig at naipalaganap sa buong bansa ang tinatawag na miracle rice.

Ang mga magsasaka ay nabigyan ng mga kaalamang teknikal ukol sa modernong pagsasaka. Marami rin siyang naipagawang mga kalsada, tulay at School building. Nilabanan niya ang smuggling at sinimulan ang pakikipaglaban sa mga NPA.

Nang sumapit ang sumunod na halalan noong 1969, muling nanalo si Marcos bilang pangulo at si Lopez bilang pangalawang pangulo. Ngunit sa pagkakataong ito ay unti- unti nang nawawala ang tiwala ng tao sa pamahalaan dala ng malalaking problemang kinakaharap ng bansa. Tumaas ang presyo ng langis at kasunod nito ang pagtaas ng mga bilihin. Marami ang naghirap at nagutom. Tumaas ang kriminalidad at nasangkot ang pamahalaan sa malalaking anomalya at eskandalo.

Nagkaroon ng madadalas at malakihang demonstrasyon na nilahukan pati ng mga estudyante at taong simbahan. Ang pinakamadugong demonstrasyon ay naganap noong Enero 30, 1970 sa Tulay ng Mendiola.

Agosto 21, 1971 ay sinuspinde ni Marcos ang Writ of Habeas Corpus upang mapanatili ang kaayusan at kapayapaan. Binomba kasi ang rallyista ang Partidong Liberal o Liberal Party sa Plaza Miranda noong Agosto 21, 1971 upang mapanatili ang kaayusan at kapayapaan sa bansa.

Noong Setyembre 21, 1972 ay ibinaba ang Batas Militar (Martial Law). Marami na raw krisis ang nararanasan ng bansa tulad ng pagbomba sa Plaza Miranda, pagsabotahe at pagwasak sa mga pribado at pambansang ari- arian. Walang puknat na rally ng mga manggagawa at mga estudyante at ang pinakahuli ay ang pagtambang sa Kalihim ng Tanggulang Pambansa na si Juan Ponce Enrile.

Nobyembre 19, 1972 ay natapos ang bagong Saligang Batas. Pinagtibay ito sa isang referendum noong Enero 19, 1973.

Totoong nabawasan ang kriminalidad dahil sa takot ng mga mamamayan sa Batas Militar. Maraming ipinahuli at ipinabilanggo si Marcos, lalo na ang mga lumalaban sa gobyerno. Ngunit hindi napayapa ang damdamin ng bayan. Anuman ang ipalabas ng pamahalaan tungkol sa kalagayan ng mga mamamayan sa malalaking anomalya sa gobyerno.

Hindi rin nakaligtas sa mata ng mga tao ang maluhong pamumuhay ni Ginang Imaelda Marcos at ng mga anak nito. Marami ang nagsasabi na sa nararamdamang kahirapan ng bayan ay hindi na dapat namumuhay ang Unang Ginang na tila ba ito ay nasa isang mayamang bansa.

Sa panahong ito ng Batas Militar ay sumikat ang programang Bagong Lipunan.Ito ang sagot ni Marcos sa nagaganap na pagrirebelde ng mga tao. Maraming naisagawa nang mga panahong ito tulad ng pag- akit sa mga dayuhang mamumuhunan, pagsigla ng turismo sa bansa, pagtatayo ng mga impratruktura tulad ng Cultural Center of the Philippines, Folk Arts Theater, San Juanico Bridge, Philcite at iba pa. Nagkaroon na rin ng LRT na hanggang sa ngayon ay pinakikinabangan ng sambayanan at ipinagpatuloy pa ang pagpapagawa sa ibang lugar ng Kamaynilaan.

Gayunman ay hindi nawala ang takot sa mga mamamayan. Maraming mga opisyal ng pamahalaan at mga military ang kinatakutan ng mga tao adahil umabuso sa kapangyarihan. Lalong nagging mahigpit ang militar sa karapatang pantao. Ipinasara ang mga palimbagan ng diyaryo at magasin pati na ang mga istasyon ng radio at telebisyon. Wala nang maririnig sa radyo at telebisyon ay pawing mga papuri sa gobyerno.

Nagkaroon ng pakunwaring wakas ang Batas Militar noong Enero 17, 1981 sa pamamagitan ng Proklamasyon 2045 na nilagdaan ni Marcos.

Sa kabila ng pagtatapos ng Martial Law ay hindi nahinto ang paglaganap ng kapangyarihan ng komunista sa bansa. Nabahala ang mga Amerikano kaya kinumbinse nila si Marcos na magdaos ng Presidential Snap Election upang Makita kung sinusuportahan pa rin ng tao ang kanyang pamahalaan. Idinaos ang halalan noong Pebrero 7, 1986 at nakalaban niya si Cory, ang asawa ng dating Senador Ninoy Aquino na Mahigpit niyang tagatuligsa.

Ayon sa Comelec ay nanalo si Marcos ngunit sabilang ng Namfrel ay si Cory naman ang nanalo. Nagprotesta si Cory at tumawag ng civil disobedience. Nagsagawa naman ng kudeta sina Fidel Ramos at Juan Ponce Enrile. Nanawagan naman sa tao si Jaime Cardinal Sin kaya dumagsa ang mga tao sa EDSA na nagnanais na mapalayas si Marcos sa puwesto. At naganap ang makasaysayang People’s Power na nagpatalsik kay Marcos.

Si Marcos, ang kanyang pamilya at ilang miyembro ng gabinete ay dinala ng mga Amerikano sa Estados Unidos upang maiwasan ang madugong pangyayari na maaaring maganap sa pagitan ng mga tagasunod nito at ni Cory Aquino.

Namatay si Marcos noong Setyembre 28, 1989 sa Makiki, Hawaii. Iniuwi sa bansa ang kanyang bangkay t inilagsak sa isang glass case crypt sa kanyang sinilangang bayan. Namatay siya sa gulang na 72.

BILANG ISANG SUNDALO

Nang sumiklab ang Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig, sumapi si Marcos sa Dulong Silangan sa Puwersang Hukbong Katihan ng Estados Unidos (United States Army Forces in the Far East) bilang combat intelligence officer ng Ika-21 Dibisyon ng Hukbong Lakad. Siya ay lumaban sa pagtatanggol ng Bataan laban sa mga Hapones at naging isa sa mga biktima ng Martsa ng Kamatayan. Siya ay kinulong at pinalaya ng mga Hapones sa Capas ngunit siya ay muling dinakip, kinulong at pinahirapan sa Kuta Santiago sa Intramuros, Maynila. Nakatakas si Marcos at itinatag ang kilusang gerilya sa Hilagang Luzon, ang "Maharlika". Siya ay kinilala bilang isa sa mga magagaling na pinuno ng mga gerilya sa Luzon at ang kanyang diumano’y pinakahanga-hangang katapangawang-gawa ay sa Labanan ng Pasong Bessang at tumulong sa pagitan ng mga sundalong Pilipino at Amerikano lumaban sa Hapon.

BILANG ISANG PULITIKO

Pagkaraan ng digmaan at pagtatag ng Republika ng Pilipinas, hinirang ni Pangulong Manuel Roxas si Marcos bilang special technical assistant. Noong 1949, siya ay tumakbo at nagwagi bilang kinatawan ng Ilocos Norte sa Kongreso. Noong 1954 nakilala niya si Imelda Romualdez, ang "Rosas ng Leyte" at pamangkin ng Ispiker Daniel Romualdez, na naging kaisampalad niya pagkatapos ng isang madaliang panliligaw.

Noong 1959 siya ay tumakbo at nanalo bilang Senador na may pinakamalaking boto. Noong 1961, naging Pangulo si Marcos ng Partido Liberal (Liberal Party) at makalipas ng isang taon, siya ang naging Pangulo ng Senado.

Matagal na panahong naging kasapi si Marcos ng Partido Liberal . Hiningi niya ang nominasyon ng partido bilang kandidato sa pagka-pangulo noong 1964, ngunit ang kasalukuyang pangulo na si Diosdado Macapagal ang pinili ng partido. Tumiwalag si Marcos sa Partido Liberal at lumipat siya sa Partido Nacionalista, kung saan nakuha niya ang kanilang nominasyon. Nanalo siya at si Fernando Lopez, ang kandidato ng Partido Nacionalista sa pagka-pangalawang pangulo, laban kay Macapagal at Gerardo Roxas sa isang "landslide victory".

UNANG TERMINO (1965-1969)

Noong Enero 30, 1965, nanumpa si Ferdinand Edralin Marcos bilang ika-6 na Pangulo ng Republika ng Pilipinas. Sa kanyang talumpati sa kanyang unang pasinaya, ipinahayag ng Pangulo ang kasadlak-sadlak na kalagayan ng Pilipinas:

…The Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity, and his courage. We have come upon a phase of our history when ideals are only a veneer for greed and power, (in public and private affairs) when devotion to duty and dedication to a public trust are to be weighted at all times against private advantages and personal gain, and when loyalties can be traded. …Our government is in the iron grip of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its civil service is slothful and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized and its councils sterile., We are in crisis. You know that the government treasury is empty. Only by severe self-denial will there be hope for recovery within the next year.[1]

At kanyang ipinangako:

This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over. It is my articles of faith, and Divine Providence has willed that you and I can now translate this faith into deeds.[2]

Noong Enero 24, 1966, sa kanyang kauna-unahang Talumpati sa Kalagayan ng Bansa sa Kongreso, tinanggap ng Pangulong Marcos na ang bansa'y nasa tuktok ng isang panlipunang bulkan na malapit ng pumutok, na ang mga guguling-gobyerno'y labis na nakahihigit sa kinikita nito, na ang Philippine National Bank ay malapit nang bumagsak at laganap ang krimen sa bansa.

Binalangkas ni Marcos ang layunin ng kanyang pangasiwaan:

. Mabigyan ng pampasigla ang pagpapaunlad ng pamayanan at proyekto ng pagawaang-bayan tulad ng pagpapagawa ng mga kalsada at tulay.

. Isakatuparan ang palatuntunan ng reporma sa lupa.;

. Pagkakaroon ng kasapatan sa produksyon ng palay at magpasimula ng pag-iiba-iba ng pananim upang mapaunlad ang pag-aani.

MGA SULIRANIN

Tangi sa palaki na palaking paghihirap ng kalagayang-pangkabuhayan, ang pangasiwaang Marcos at nasusuong sa mga mabibigat na suliranin. Nangunguna sa mga ito'y ang paglubha ng kalagayang pangkatahimikan at kaayusan ng bansa na humantong sa mga sumusunod:

1. Paglaganap ng krimen bunga ng pagkalahatang paghihikahos at pangkabuhayang paghihirap at ang paggitaw ng naitatag na krimen;

2. Patuloy na katiwalian sa pamahalaan lalung-lalo na ang mga taong nagpapairal ng batas, na karamiha'y gumagamit ng kanilang kapangyarihan sa paggawa ng pagmamalabis o sa pagtangkilik ng krimen; at

3. Pagkakaroon ng mga pribadong hukbo ng mga mayamang tinatangkilik ng mga pulitiko.

Ang mga kalagayang tulad nito'y nagdulot ng pagkaligalig at di-kasiyahan sa mga kabataan at mga mag-aaral sa mga institusyon ng karunungang may kaalaman at bihasa sa mga bagay na pampulitika. Nagtatag ang mga ito ng mga samahang demokratikong tagapamagitan sa mga publiko at pribadong paaralan; pati kolehiyong katoliko, upang mag-udyok ng pagkakaroon ng tiyak na reporma sa kabuuan ng tunay na kayariang demokratiko. Kasama rito ang kabataangdenteesi galamay ng lihim na Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (Communist Party of the Philippines), na lalong kilala sa tawag na "Kabataang Makabayan" na gumagamit ng karahasan upang makapagtamo ng mga reporma.

[baguhin]Digmaang Biyetnam

Noong Oktubre, 1965 sinabi nila kay pangulong Marcos na mahigit sa 10,450 mga sundalong Pilipino na dinala sa Timog Biyetnam at lumaban agad sa mga Hilagang Biyetnames at mga Viet Cong sa panahon ng Digmaang Biyetnam.

DEMONSTRASYON NG MGA ESTUDYANTE

Ang unang demonstrasyon ng mga estudyante'y napukaw ng isang pangpurok na pagpupulong (summit conference) na idinaos sa Maynila noong Oktubre, 1966, ng mga pinuno ng Estados Unidos, Australya, Thailand, Timog Vietnam,Timog Korea, Nueva Selanda, at Pilipinas. Ang layunin ng pagpupulong na ito ay upang yumari ng isang nagkakaisang paninindigan sa digmaan sa Timog Silangang Asya at upang pagtibayin ang pakikipagtulungan ukol sa pangkabuhayan , panlipunan, at kultura sa pagitan ng mga bansa sa Asya-Pasipiko.

Nang hapon ng Oktubre 24, 1966, ang Kabataang Makabayan na sinasamahan ng ibang pangkat estudyante ay nagtanghal ng isang pagtutol na demonstrasyon sa harapan ng pangulo ng Estados Unidos na si Lyndon B. Johnson. Nagkaroon ng sagupaan sa pagitan ng mga demonstrador at mga pulis malapit sa embahada ng Estados Unidos. Dinakip ang 41 demonstrador at pinaratangan ng panliligalig at pananalakay.

MGA NAGAWA SA LOOB NG UNANG TERMINO

Kapaki-pakinabang ang mga nagawa ng Pangulong Marcos sa mga unang apat na taon ng kanyang panunungkulan. Ang mga ito'y ang sumusunod:

. Ang pagpapanibagong-ayos ng may 2,000 malalaki at malilit na industriya;

. Pagsugpo sa katiwalian at kasamaan sa pamahalaan;

. Pagpapaunlad ng mga baryo na sa unang pagkakataon sa kasaysayan nabigyan ng tiyak na kaparti sa kinikita ng pamahalaan;

. Pagpapatayo ng higit sa 80,000 silid-aralan at higit sa 6,000 kilometro ng mga lansangan (kabilang na ang unang phase ng North Diversion Road mula Balintawak hanggang Tabang sa Bulacan);

. Ang pagpapatayo o rehabilitasyon ng pamamaraan ng mga patubig, o irigasyon na ang ang kabuuang bilang nito'y nakakahigit sa lahat ng patubig na naitayo sapul sa panahon ng mga Kastila noong 1565 hanggang sa pangasiwaang kanyang sinundan;

. Ang pagsisimula ng Green revolution at pagkakaroon ng 'mapaghimalang palay' o "miracle rice';

. Ang puspusang pagsasakatuparan ng reporma sa lupa;

. Ang pagpapalakas ng kilusang kooperatiba sa isang pambansang sukatan;at

. Ang muling pagpapasigla at pagtangkilik sa sining at kulturang sariling atin sa pamamagitan ng pamamahala ng Unang Ginang Imelda Marcos.

IKALAWANG TERMINO

HALALAN NG 1969

Nanindigan ang reeleksyonistang Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos sa kanyang pagnanais na makapagtamo ng bagong kapasyahan ng mga botante sa halalan ng 1969.

Sa pagtulong ng Unang Ginang, Imelda Marcos, na kanyang itinuturing na kanyang "lihim na sandata", si Marcos ay naging unang Pangulong reeleksyonista pagkatapos ng digmaan. Tinalo niya ang kandidato ng mga Liberal, si Sergio Osmeña, Jr. sa napakalaking kalamangan.

RADIKALISASYON NG MGA ESTUDYANTE

Sa mga unang buwan ng pangalawang panunungkulan ng Pangulong Marcos ay nagkaroon ng serye ng mga demonstrasyon ng mga estudyante at mga malalaking pagtitipon, na karamiha'y humahantong sa karahasan at panggugulo. Sa simula, ang mga demonstrasyo'y idinaraos bilang protesta laban sa pagtaas ng matrikula at ibang bayarin sa paaralan.Tinugon ito ng mga namamahala sa mga pamantasan sa pagtitiwalag sa mga namumunong estudyante at di-pagtanggap sa kanila sa alin mang pamantasan.

Namagitan ang pamahalaan sa kanilang alitan sa pamamagitan ng pagpapalabas ng mga tuntunin at regulasyon tungkol sa pagtataas ng matrikuka na nangangailangan ng pagsang-ayon ng pamahalaan. Ang mga lider estudyante ay muling tinanggap sa mga paaralang kanilang pinili.

Ngunit di naglaon, panibagong isyu ang lumitaw. Lumabas sa kalye ang mga mag-aaral at mga kapanalig. Sa gayo'y nagsimula ang "parliament of the streets." Sa pagbunsod sa mga kahilingan para sa mga reporma sa pamahalaan at mga protesta laban sa pagkakaloob ng kapangyarihan sa namumuhunan at mga oligarkiya, ang mga demonstrador ay madaling bumaling sa mga bagay na pangkaisipan (ideolohikal) tulad ng pasismo, piyudalismo, at imperyalismo. ito ang kanilang naging sigaw na panlaban.

Noong Enero 26, 1970, ang araw ng pagbbukas ng regular na sesyon sa Kongreso, ang Pambansang Pagkakaisa ng mga Mag-aaral na pinamumunuan ni Edgar Jopson ay nagtipun-tipon at nagdaos ng malaking demonstrasyon sa labas ng Kongreso. Ang mga estudyante ng mga pribadong paaralan sa Maynila, kasama ang ilang sa kanilang mga gurong-tagapayo ay nangaroon upang ipahayag ang kanilang petisyon para sa pagdaraos ng isang Kumbensyong Konstitusyonal ng taong 1971.

Tulad ng hinihingi ng tradisyon, dumalo ang Pangulong Marcos sa Kongreso upang magtalumpati tungkol sa kalagayan ng bansa. Kasama niya ang Unang Ginang. Pagkatapos ng mga seremonya at habang lumalabas sa gusali ng Kongreso ang Pangulo at ang Unang Ginang patungo sa kanilang sasakyan, nagsimula ang kaguluhan. Ang binabalak na mapayapang demonstrasyon ay naging isang panggulong walang taros. May 70 estudyante ang nasaktan at may ilang nangapinsala ring alagad ng batas Marcos.

SIGAW NG UNANG SIKAPAT

Ang demonstrasyon ng mga estudyante noong Enero 30, 1971 ay lalong higit na madugo at marahas at ito'y tinaguriang "Labanan sa Mendiola" na mas higit na kilala sa tawag na "First Quarter Storm" o Sigwa ng Unang Sikapat. Marahil napag-alab sa kabangisan ng mga pulis sa naunang demonstrasyon sa harapan ng Kongreso, ibinaling ng lalong masugid na mga aktibistang estudyante ang kanilang pagkapoot sa Malakanyang.

Pagkatapos ng maagang demonstrasyon sa may Kongreso , nagtungo ang mga estudyante sa Malakanyang at pagkaraan ng kanilang maaapoy na talumpati ay pinagpilitan nilang makapasok sa loob ng paligid ng Palasyo. Naghagis sila ng "pillboxes" at mga sariling-gawang bomba (Molotov) sa bakuran ng Palasyo. May ilang nakaagaw ng isang trak na pamatay-sunog at ito'y ibinangga sa isang trangkahan ng Malakanyang hanggang sa mabuksan ito.

Nagpaputok ng mga teargas ang mga tanod Pampanguluhan ng Palasyo sa mga nanggugulo at ang mga ito'y gumanto ng mga bato at patpat at sariling-gawang bomba. Napilitang magsiurong ang mga estudyante hanggang sa daang Mendiola habang hinahabol ng mga pangkat ng mga sandatahan ng pamahalaan.

Ang labanan ay tumagal hanggang makalipas ang hatinggabi nang ang mga estudyante'y naghiwa-hiwalay sa University Belt sa daang Claro M. Recto.

Nang sumunod na araw, napalathala sa mga pahayagan na apat na demonstrador ang nakitlan ng buhay at marami pang nasugatan.

Ipinahayag ng Panguilong Marcos sa pamamagitan ng radyo at telebisyon na ang mga pangayayari sa Mendiola ay isang binalak na pagsalakay sa pamahalaan, isang panghihimagsik na may layuning pabagsakin ang pamahalaan. Ngunit tiniyak niya sa mga tao na ang kaguluha'y nasugpo na.

PAG-AAKLAS NG MGA TSUPER NG JEEP

Noong Marso 3, 1970 nagdaos ng isang pag-aaklas ang mga nagmamaneho ng pampublikong jeep ng Maynila at mga karatig-pook. Ang dahilan ay upang tuligsain ang panghuhuthot ng mga pulisya at upang hilingin na pagtibayin ng lupon ng Palingkurang-Bayan ang pagtataas ng 5 sentimo sa pamasahe ng jeep. Matagumpay ang kanilang pag-aaklas; nangako ang pamunuan ng pulisya na parurusahan ang mga tiwaling alagad ng batas; at sinang-ayunan ng Lupon ng Palingkurang-Bayan ang kanilang petisyon sa pagtataas ng pamasahe sa jeep.

Noong Marso 23, at Marso 24, 1970, ang mga estudyante at mga pasahero ay nagdaos ng isang panlabang demonstrasyon na tumututol sa pagkataas ng bayad sa jeep at bus. Binato nila ang mga sasakyang pampubliko at lumikha ng malalaking siga sa daan.

ANG PAGBOMBA SA LIWASANG MIRANDA

Ang Liwasang Miranda o Plaza Miranda sa Quiapo, Maynila ay siyang kinaugaliang pook ng malalaking pampulitikang pagtitipun-tipon at pagpupulong. Doon ipinakikilala at ipinapahayag ang mga kandidatong pambansa at ng Maynila. Doon idinaraos ang mga "miting de avance" o pangwakas na malaking pagpupulong, bilang pinakatampok sa mga kampanyang pampulitika. May malaking pagtatangi ang Pangulong Magsaysay sa naturang pook kahit na kailanman at siya'y pinipilit na magpasiya ukol sa isang bagay na pampulitika, kanyang itinatanong "Maipagtatanggol na natin ito sa Plaza Miranda?"

Sa pagsunod sa isang pampulitikang kaugalian, nagdaos ang oposisyong Partido Liberal ng kanilang pagpapahayag na pagtitipun-tipon sa Plaza Miranda noong ika-21 ng Agosto, 1971. Ito'y binalak upang ipakilala sa bansa ang mga kandidato ng Partido Liberal para Senador at mga kandidato para sa Maynila mula Punong-Lungsod hanggang sa mga konsehal.

Nang mag-iika-9:00 ng gabi ng araw ding iyon, habang ang walong kandidato ng Partido Liberal sa pagkasenador, dalawampu't dalawang kandidato ng Maynila at gayon din ang iba pang mga kilalang lider ng partido ay magkakasamang nagkakatipon sa tanghalan, dalawang granada ang inihagis buhat sa karamihan ng tao at magkapanunod na sumabog. Ang isa'y bumagsak sa tanghalan kasabay ng pagsabog, at isa'y tumama sa gilid ng tanghalan at sumabog din pagkahulog sa lupa. Libu-libong tao sa pook na iyon at higit na marami pa na nanoood sa telebisyon ang nakasaksi sa pambobomba.

Ang pambobomba at halos lumipol sa pamunuan at mga kandidato ng oposisyon. Nag-aagaw-buhay nang damputin sina Senador Jovito Salonga at Sergio Osmeña, Jr. at Kinatawan John Henry Osmeña. May malubhang tama sina Senador Gerardo Roxas at ang kanyang maybahay na si Judy, Kinatawan Ramon Mitra, at kandidato para punong-lungsod Ramon Bagatsing. Sina Senador Eva Estrada Kalaw, Kinatawan Eddie Ilarde at kandidato para sa pangalawang punong-lungsod Martin Isidro at ang kanyang maybahay ay pawang may malubhang tama rin.

Ang ibang kandidato ng Partido Liberal sa pagkasenador ay di-gaanong nagtamo ng kapinsalaan

Namatay noon din ang isang potograpo na nagtratrabaho sa isang pahayagan at maraming mga manonood ma sama-sama sa harapan ng entablado ang pawang nangasawi.

Sa simula, ang Pangulong Marcos ang itinuturong siyang may pakana sa kalagim-lagim na pangyayari sa Plaza Miranda ngunit makalipas ang ilang taon lumitaw ang mga testigo na nagdidiin kay Jose Maria Sison at sa pinamumunuan niyang kilusan, ang Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas- Bagong Hukbong Bayan, bilang may utak sa pagpapasabog.

ANG PAGSUSUSPINDI NG PRIBELEHIYO NG "WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS"

Ilang oras pagkaraan ng pagpapasabog ng bomba sa Plaza Miranda, ipinalabas ng Pangulong Marcos ang Proklamasyon Bilang 889 na sumususpindi sa pribelihiyo ng writ of habeas corpus (pangangalaga sa sinuman laban sa di-salig-batas at pagbibinbin sa bilangguan) upang mapanatili ang kapayapaan , mapangalagaan ang mga mamamayan at mapanatili ang kapangyarihan ng pamahalaan. Ginawa na minsan ng Pangulong Elpidio Quirino ang pagsususpindi ng pribelehiyo ng writ of habeas corpus noong dekada 50 upang sugpuin ang mga Huks.

Ang pagpigil sa writ ay humantong sa pagtatamo ng mga sumusunod na layunin:

1. Pagsansala sa paglaganap ng terorismo mula sa mga lalawigan hanggang sa pook ng Maynila;

2. Pagtatamo ng impormasyon tungkol sa organisasyon ng mga komunista, misyon, pinagmumulan ng pantustos, kagamitan, lihim na tagakalap ng balita at mga bagong kasapi;

3. Pagdadakip sa ibang pinuno ng mga kilusang makakaliwa.

Noong Enero 7, 1972 ganap na binawi ni Pangulong Marcos ang kautusang nagsususpindi sa pribelehiyo ng writ of habeas corpus.

ANG MALAKING BAHA NG 1972

Noong kalagitnaan ng 1972, malalaking baha ang nagpalubog sa halos lahat ng Kalagtitnaang Luzon at lungsod ng Maynila. Ang pag-apaw ng tubig na umabot ng may isang buwa'y sumira ng mga pananim at humantong sa pagtaas ng bilihin mga panindang pagkain hindi lamang sa mga binahang pook kundi gayun din sa buong Luzon at sa karamihan pang mga pook sa bansa.

Bigas, asukal at iba pang mga pangunahing pangangailanga'y nawala sa mga pamilihan. Pinangasiwaan ng pamahalaan ang halaga ng pagbibili ng bigas na nakatingal sa kanilang kamalig. Ipinag-utos ding ipagbili ang mga bigas at asukal na nakatago sa mga bodega ng mga mapagsamantalang negosyante sa isang nakatakdang halaga sa ilalim ng babalang ang mga ito'y kukumpiskahin ng pamahalaan.

Bunga ng kautusan ng Pangulo'y muling lumabas ang mga bigas at asukal sa pamilihan at mga tindahan na nagpapatunay na ang kakapusan, lalo na sa Maynila ay gawa-gawa lamang.

BATAS MILITAR

PATULOY NA PANLILIGALIG

Hindi naglaon pagkaraan bawiin ang suspensyon ng karapatan sa writ ang paghupa ng tubig na likha ng baha noong taong 1972, ang kapayapaan at kaayusan ng bansa ay lumubha ng lumubha. Dumarami ang mga nagaganap na krimen. Isa lamang pangkaraniwang pangyayari ang mga mapangahas na panloloob sa mga bangko kung araw kahit na katanghaliang tapat. Lumitaw ang mga nagbibili ng proteksyon at ang pangangasiwa ng mga bisyo at halos lantaran na. Pinasasabugan ng mga maninindak ang mga pamilihan sa kabayanan (Greater Manila Terminal Food Market sa Taguig), mga gusali ng bayan (Manila City Hall at Court of Industrial Relations), ang embahada ng Estados Unidos, mga pribadong gusali (Philamlife Building sa Ermita, sangay ng Security Bank and Trust Company sa kalye España sa Maynila, at ang Arca Building sa lungsod ng Pasay), ang tanggapan ng JUSMAG sa lungsod Quezon, mga gusaling naglilingkod sa pangangailangan ng madla (Meralco), ang kapaligiran ng Kombensyon Konstitusyonal at ang pangunahing tipunan ng tubig sa Kamaynilaan. Naghari ang isang nakasisindak na panahon sa lungsod ng Maynila.

Nagsimula ang paghihimagsik sa maraming pook sa Kahilagaang Luzon, pook ng Bicol at sa ilang panig ng Mindanao. Karamihan dito'y ipinapalagay na likha ng impluwensya ng mga komunistang grupo at ng Moro National Liberation Front, isang pangkat ng mga Muslim, na pinamumunuan ni Nur Misuari, na naglalayong ihiwalay ang Mindanao sa Pilipinas at magtatag ng nagsasariling Republika ng Bansang Moro.

ANG PAGPAPAHAYAG NG BATAS MILITAR

Dahil sa lumalalang suliranin sa kapayapaan at kaayusan sa bansa, isinailim ni Pangulong Marcos ang buong bansa sa Batas Militar sa bisa ng Proklamasyon Bilang 1081 na kanyang nilagdaan noong Setyembre 21, 1972. Nagpalabas din ang Pangulo ng mga kautusan at atas upang maisakatuparan at magawa ang layunin ng Batas Militar, ang isalba ang Republika at ireporma ang mga institusyong panlipunan, pangkabuhayan at pampulitika ng bansa.[4]

Binigyang-diin ng Pangulo na ang proklamasyon ng Batas Militar ay hindi nangangahulugan ng pagkakaroon ng pamahalaang militar.[5] Magpapatuloy ang pamahalaang sibil. Ang mga opisyales at mga kawaning pambansa at pamahalaang lokal ay magsasagawa ng kanilang tungkulin tulad nang dati.

Ayon sa Pangulo, walang dapat ipangamba ang mga taong walang kinalaman sa pagsasabwatan upang ibagsak ang pamahalaan sa pamamagitan ng marahas na pamamaraan.[6]

Sa isang pahayag sa radyo't telebisyon, winika ng Pangulo:

Buhat nang ipahayag ng Kataas-taasang Hukuman ang kapasyahang ito (Lansang vs. Garcia, 42 SCRA 449) lalong lumala ang panganib at lalong lumubha o lumaki ang rebelyon. Napatigil ang gawaing pambansa. Ang mga pangunahing pook na pangkabuhayan ay hindi makakilos. Hindi makapaglapat ng katarungan ang mga hukuman... lumalaganap at palaki nang palaki ang mga paglabas sa batas at pag-iral ng krimen... na di-maabot ng kakayahan ng pulisyang pambayan at mga maykapangyarihang sibilyan

Patuloy ang paghahamok ng mga pangkat ng hukbo at ng mga kumakalaban sa pamahalaan sa Isabela, Zambales, Tarlac, Camarines Sur, Quezon, at sa pulo ng Mindanao, ang Timog Lanao, Hilagang Lanao, Timog Zamboanga at Cotabato.

Tinuligsa ng mga kritiko ang mga dahilang inilahad ni Marcos na nagbibigay-katwiran sa pagpapahayag ng batas militar. Sinabi ng mga ito na ang katotohanan ay nilikha ni Marcos ang mga kaguluhan at panliligalig upang magkaroon siya ng dahilang magpahayag ng batas militar at mapanatili ang sarili sa kapangyarihan.

MADALIANG PAGKABISA NG BATAS MILITAR

Tinanggap, kung hindi man ay sinang-ayunan, ng taumbayan ang pagpapahayag ng Batas Militar dahil sa panunumbalik ng lubos na kapayapaan at kaayusan sa bansa lalung-lalo na sa Maynila. Ang panghaharang, pagnanakaw ng sasakyan, pagkidnap, pang-aabuso, pagpupuslit ng kalakal, mga ilegal na pasugalan at iba pang krimen laban sa tao at ari-arian ay nabawasan nang napakalaki.

Sa bisa ng General Order No. 1, inutos ni Pangulong Marcos ang pagdakip sa mga sumusunod na lider-pulitiko at kasapi ng mga kilusang subersibo na nagsabwatan upang pabagsakin ang pamahalaan: ang mga Kinatawan na sina Roque Ablan, Jr.(Ilocos Norte)at Rafael Aquino (Sorsogon); mga Senador na sina Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose W. Diokno at Ramon Mitra; mga Gobernador na sina Rolando Puzon (Kalinga-Apayao) at Lino Bocalan (Cavite); dating Senador Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo; Mga delagado sa Kombensyon Konstitusyonal na sina Napoleon Rama, Enrique Voltaire Garcia, II, Teofisto Guingona, Jr., Bren Guiao, Alejandro Lichauco, Jose Nolledo, Jose Concepcion, Jr., at Jose Mari Velez; mga mamamahayag na sina Joaquin ‘Chino” Roces, Maximo Soliven, Teodoro Locsin, Sr., Amando Doronilla, Renato Constantino, at Luis Mauricio. Ang iba pang dinakip ay sina: Hernando Abaya, Ang Nay Quang, Luis Beltaran, Jorge Bocobo, IV, Ramon Chramico, Cipriano cid, Chua Giok Su @ Bob Chua, Herminio Caloma, Romeo Dizon, Armando Eufemio, Rolando Fadul, Rolando Feleo, Jose Fuentes @ Joey, Rosalinda Galang @ Roz, Go Eng Guan, Flora Lansang, Teodosio Lansang, Guillermo Ponce de Leon, Joel Rocamora, at iba pa.

Sa kabilang dako, ang pagtitiwalag o pagpapaalis sa mga di-karapat-dapat na kawani ng tanggapan ng pamahalaan (sa bisa ng Presidential Decree No. 1 o ang "Integrated Reorganization Plan") ay nakapanumbalik ng pagtitiwala ng tao sa kanilang pamahalaan. Nabawasan ng malaki ang katiwalian, kasamaan, at karaniwang kalakaran ng pamahalaan, na nagresulta sa di-kapani-paniwalang paglaki ng koleksyon ng Kawanihan ng Adwana at Kawanihan ng Rentas Internas.[8]

Napawi rin ang walang kapananagutang pag-uulat ng mga balita sa pahayagan, telebisyon, radyo at iba dahil sa pagpapasara ng Pangulo, sa bisa ng Letter of Instruction No.1, sa lahat ng istasyon ng telebisyon at radio at mga pahayagan. Tanging ang pahayagang Daily Express at mga istasyon ng pamahalaan ang pinahintulutang magpatuloy ng kanilang operasyon. Kalauna'y pinahintulutan ding magbukas ang pahaygang Manila Bulletin Today (na pag-aari ng Hans Menzi, isang malapit sa Pangulo); mga istasyon ng Radio Philippine Network at Intercontinental Broadcasting Corporation na pag-aari ng kroning si Roberto Benedicto, at ang istasyon ng Republic Broadcasting System na kilala sa tawag na GMA Networks, na ang isa sa mga nagmamay-ari ay si Gilberto Duavit na malapit sa Pangulong Marcos.

Malaki ang ipinagbago ng kalagayang pangkalusugan at pangkalinisan - nawala ang mga basura sa daan at ang paligid ng mga tahanan ay naging malinis at napanatiling malinis ng mga tao na rin.

Nabawasan ang mga pasugalang ipinagbabawal lalo na sa pangunahing lungsod ng Maynila.

Nagkaroon ng kapayapaan at katahimikan sa mga pook ng paaralan na dati-rati'y may ligalig at karahasan.

Napanatili ang halaga ng mga pagkain. Hindi nakahadlang sa pagtitinda ang pagtatakda ng halaga, di tulad nang pinangangambahan na mawawala ang mga pangunahing kagamitan at mahahalagang pangangailangan sa mga pamilihan at mga tindahan.


http://tl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_Marcos

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was the tenth President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959–1965). He was Senate President from 1963-1965. He claimed to have led a guerrilla force called Ang Maharlika in northern Luzon during the Second World War, although this is doubted.[1][2]

As Philippine president and strongman, his greatest achievement was in the fields of infrastructure development and international diplomacy. However, his administration was marred by massive authoritarian corruption, despotism, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations. He benefited from a large personality cult in the Philippines during his regime.

In 1983, his government was implicated in the assassination of his primary political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr. The implication caused a chain of events, including a tainted presidential election that served as the catalyst for the People Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It was later alleged that he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to the United States, Switzerland, and other countries, as well as into alleged corporations during his 20 years in power.

EARLY LIFE

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was born September 11, 1917, in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte outside Laoag City to parents Mariano Marcos and Josefa Edralin. He was named after Ferdinand VII of Spain and baptized into the Philippine Independent Church. According to the Marcos family's oral history, the family name was originally Quidit, and their Ilokano roots have some Japanese and Chinese ancestry. Marcos attended college at the University of the Philippines. His record of excellence went beyond the classroom. He won honors in the University boxing, swimming and wrestling teams. He joined the newly-formed ROTC and rose to the rank of cadet major. He won the first gold medal offered by General MacArthur for proficiency in military science. His baritone oratory enlivened the school debating team. He became the most bemedaled debater and orator, winning the President Quezon Medal and was awarded the University President’s medal for obtaining the highest scholastic average over the full course of his college work. Aside from this he wrote in the University's newspaper and he become a student activist against the commonwealth government at that time.

In December 1938, Mariano Marcos, his brother Pio, his son Ferdinand, and his brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo were prosecuted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan. On September 20, 1935, the day after Nalundasan (for the second time) defeated Mariano Marcos for the National Assembly seat for Ilocos Norte, Nalundasan was shot and killed in his house in Batac. According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually doing the killing. In late January 1939, they were denied bail[4] and in the fall[when?] of 1939 they were convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano and Pio were found guilty only of contempt of court. The Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme Court of the Philippines, which on October 22, 1940, overturned the lower court's decision and acquitted them of all charges but contempt.[5]

In 1939, while incarcerated, Ferdinand Marcos graduated cum laude with a law degree from the U.P. College of Law. If he had not been put in jail for twenty seven days, he would have graduated magna cum laude. He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu international honor society, and the Phi Kappa Phi international honor society which, 37 years later gave him its Most Distinguished Member Award.[6] While in detention Governor Roque B. Ablan Sr. of Ilocos Norte helped Marcos study for the bar exams by providing a desk lamp in his cell, law books and reviewers. Marcos passed the bar examination with the highest score on record,[7] while also writing an 830-page defense. Several people contested his score and a retake was taken albeit an oral bar examination witnessed by several people. His second bar examination resulted in a 100% score, the highest grade obtained in the Philippine Bar.[8]

CONGRESSIONAL CAREER

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

When the Philippines was granted independence on July 4, 1946 by the American government, the Philippine Congress was established. Marcos ran and was twice elected as representative of the 1st district of Ilocos Norte, 1949-1959. He was named chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and member of the Defense Committee headed by Ramon Magsaysay. He was chairman, House Neophytes Bloc in which (President) Diosdado Macapagal, (Vice President) Emmanuel Pelaez and (Manila Mayor) Arsenio J. Lacson were members, House Committee on Industry; LP spokesman on economic matters; member, Special Committee on Import and Price Controls and on Reparations; House Committees on Ways and Means, Banks Currency, War Veterans, Civil Service, Corporations and Economic Planning; and the House Electoral Tribunal.[9]

SENATE

He was the topnotcher in the senatorial elections in 1959. He was Senate minority floor leader, 1960; executive vice president, LP 1954-1961; president, Liberal Party, 1961–1964; Senate President, 1959-1965. During his term as Senate President, former Defense Secretary Eulogio B. Balao was also closely working with Marcos.As a lawyer and a master politician, Marcos led a most interesting and controversial political career both before and after his term as Senate President. He became Senator after he served as member of the House of Representatives for three terms, then later as Minority Floor Leader before gaining the Senate Presidency. He is one of the legislators who had established a record for having introduced a number of significant bills, many of which found their way into the Republic statute books.[9]

VIETNAM WAR

To the surprise of many, soon after becoming president, Marcos wanted the Philippines to become involved in the Vietnam War. He asked Congress to approve sending a combat engineer unit to South Vietnam. When the previous Philippine president, Macapagal, suggested in 1964-1965 to send troops it had been Marcos who had led the opposition against this plan on both legal and moral grounds. Despite opposition against the new plan, the Marcos government gained Congressional approval and Philippine troops were sent from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in South Vietnam, mainly being involved in civilian infrastructure projects.[15][16]

1969 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

In 1969 incumbent Marcos won an unprecedented second full term as President. His running mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice President of the Philippines. An unprecedented twelve candidates ran for president, however ten of those were nuisance candidates.[citation needed]

SECOND TERM (1969-1981)

In 1969, President Marcos was reelected for an unprecedented second term. The fact that Marcos had spent significant amounts on infrastructure projects made him popular with large parts of the population. During his second term he developed a personality cult around himself, requiring businesses and schools all across the Philippines to have his official presidential picture displayed or their facilities shut down. In addition, Marcos's propaganda messages were placed all across the Philippines, many of them taking the place of billboard advertisements.[17] The personality cult lasted until his deposition in 1986.

The second term proved to be a daunting challenge to the president: an economic crisis brought by external and internal forces, a restive and radicalized studentry demanding reforms in the educational system, a rising tide of criminality, subversion by the re-organized Communist movement, and secession in the south.

ECONOMIC SITUATION

Marcos inherited in 1966 an unhealthy economy brought about partly by election-related government overspending. In 1965 this had already led to action from the IMF which reduced the PHP (Philippine Peso) exchange rate against to USD from PHP2 to USD1 to PHP3.95 to USD1. By the time Marcos became president in 1966, the Philippine government was still spending more than it earned. The budget deficit around the middle of 1966 was up to PHP2 million per day.[18] Large loans were taken to cover the deficit and finance the new infrastructure projects started by Marcos. Many of these loans matured by the end of 1969. Large loans were also taken for the election year 1969. By the end of 1969 government borrowing had compared to 1965 almost doubled the government debts forcing the Philippines to seek new loans from the IMF. In February 1970 the PHP exchange rate was left to float and it devaluated at once, dipping to PHP6.4 against USD1 by December 1970. Inflation had already increased sharply from 1966 but the new exchange rates resulted in higher prices for imported products and additional inflation. At the same time the trade balance had after 1965 (when it was USD24 million positive) dramatically changed from positive (USD24 million in 1965) to negative (USD9 million in 1966 and USD224 million in 1967), also partly related with the infrastructure projects started by Marcos.[19][20] While some of these negative developments were the result of events outside the Philippines, a large part of the blame lies also with Marcos and his government. Soon after the 1973 oil crisis made matters worse for the Philippines, which is largely dependent on imports for its energy needs.

[edit]A restive studentry

The last years of the 1960s and the first two years of the 1970s witnessed the radicalization of the country's student population. Students in various colleges and universities held massive rallies and demonstrations to express their frustrations and resentments. On January 30, 1970, demonstrators numbering about 50,000 students and laborers stormed the Malacañang Palace, burning part of the medical building and crashing through Gate 4 with a fire truck that had been forcibly commandeered by laborers and students. The Metropolitan Command (Metrocom) of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) repulsed them, pushing them toward Mendiola Bridge, where, hours later, after an exchange of gunfire, four persons were killed and scores from both sides injured. Tear gas grenades finally dispersed the crowd.[21] The event is known today as the First Quarter Storm.

Violent students protests did not end. In October 1970, a series of violent events occurred on numerous campuses in the Greater Manila Area, cited as “an explosion of pillboxes in at least two schools.” The University of the Philippines was not spared when 18,000 students boycotted their classes to demand academic and non-academic reforms in the State University, ending in the ‘occupation’ of the office of the president of the university by student leaders. Other schools in which scenes of violent student demonstrations occurred were San Sebastian College, the University of the East, Letran College, Mapua Institute of Technology, the University of Santo Tomas, Far Eastern University and the Philippine College of Commerce (now Polytechnic University of the Philippines). Student demonstrators even succeeded in “occupying the office of the Secretary of Justice Vicente Abad Santos for at least seven hours.”[22] The president described the brief “communization” of the University of the Philippines and the violent demonstrations of the left-leaning students as an “act of insurrection."

THE RE-EMERGENCE OF THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT

The re-emergence of the Communist movement and the threats it poised to the Philippine Republic may be best narrated by the Supreme Court in Lansang vs. Garcia on December 11, 1970, excerpts:

In the language of the Report on Central Luzon, submitted, on September 4, 1971, by the Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven – copy of which Report was filed in these cases by the petitioners herein – “The years following 1963 saw the successive emergence in the country of several mass organizations, notably the Lapiang Manggagawa (now the Socialist Party of the Philippines) among the workers; the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka (MASAKA) among the peasantry; the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) among the youth/students; and the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) among the intellectuals/professionals. The PKP has exerted all-out effort to infiltrate, influence, and utilize these organizations in promoting its radical brand of nationalism. Meanwhile, the Communist leaders in the Philippines had been split into two (2) groups, one of which- composed mainly of young radicals, constituting the Maoist faction – reorganized the Communist party of the Philippines early in 1969 and established a New People’s Army. This faction adheres to the Maoist concept of the “Protracted People’s War” or “War of National Liberation.” In the year 1969, the NPA had – according to the records of the Department of National Defense – conducted raids, resorted to kidnappings and taken part in other violent incidents numbering 230, in which it inflicted 404 casualties, and in turn, suffered 243 loses.

MARTIAL LAW AND THE NEW SOCIETY (1972-1981)

 “         It is easier perhaps and more comfortable to look back to the solace of a familiar and mediocre past. But the times are too grave and the stakes too high for us to permit the customary concessions to traditional democratic processes.        ”

— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973[23]

Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno.[24] The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing.[25] Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented.[26] Many political opponents were forced to go into exile.

A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973.

Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.[27] The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption.[28]

After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.[29]

Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's "New Order administration". He used the years of martial law to implement this vision.

According to Marcos's book, "Notes on the New Society," it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as "crony capitalism," Marcos' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.

The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a country composed "of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch"; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom.[30] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and the country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to other countries, like the U.S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12.

Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations.

Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's 'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade.

PRIME MINISTER (1972-1981)

In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers, that would be typical of modern prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the newly restored office of Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his reelection to President, Marcos was succeeded as Prime Minister by Cesar Virata in 1981.

THIRD TERM (1981-1986)

“          We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process, and we will not leave you in isolation.          ”

— U.S. Vice-President George H. W. Bush during Ferdinand Marcos inauguration, June 1981[31]

On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to be expected, President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates. The major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections.

AQUINO'S ASSASSINATION

In 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was assassinated at the Manila International Airport upon his return to the Philippines after a long period of exile. This coalesced popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began a succession of events, including pressure from the United States.

IMPEACHMENT ATTEMPT

On August 13, 1985, fifty-six Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for graft and corruption, culpable violation of the Constitution, gross violation of his oath of office and other high crimes.

They cited the San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcoses’ multi-million dollar investment and property holdings in the United States. The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California.

The Assemblymen also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds “for the construction of the Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.”

The following day, the Committee on Justice, Human Rights and Good Government dismissed the impeachment complaint for being insufficient in form and substance:

"The resolution is no more than a hodge-podge of unsupported conclusions, distortion of law, exacerbated by ultra partisan considerations. It does not allege ultimate facts constituting an impeachable offense under the Constitution. In sum, the Committee finds that the complaint is not sufficient in form and substance to warrant its further consideration. It is not sufficient in form because the verification made by the affiants that the allegations in the resolution “are true and correct of our own knowledge” is transparently false. It taxes the ken of men to believe that the affiants individually could swear to the truth of allegations, relative to the transactions that allegedly transpired in foreign countries given the barrier of geography and the restrictions of their laws. More important, the resolution cannot be sufficient in substance because its careful assay shows that it is a mere charade of conclusions."

DOWNFALL

See also: People Power Revolution

During these years, Marcos's regime was marred by rampant corruption and political mismanagement by his relatives and cronies, which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino. Critics considered Marcos the quintessential kleptocrat, having looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. The large personality cult in the Philippines surrounding Marcos also led to disdain.[citation needed]

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, often described as lupus erythematosus. He was absent for weeks at a time for treatment, with no one to assume command. Marcos's regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly found murdered. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest.[32]

With Marcos ailing, his equally powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the murder of Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers for the crime were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice.

By 1984, his close personal ally, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years.[33] During the Carter administration the relation with the U.S. soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign.

In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a snap presidential election for 1986, with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition united behind Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.

The "People Power movement" drove Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president. At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that his ambush was faked in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos maintained that he was the duly elected and proclaimed president of the Philippines for a fourth term.

The Philippine government today is still paying interest in public debts incurred during Marcos' administration. It was reported that, when Marcos fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags and in addition, certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars were allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the Reagan administration provided them safe passage to Hawaii. When the presidential mansion was seized, it was discovered that Imelda Marcos had over 2700 pairs of shoes in her closet.[34][35]

ECONOMY

Economic performance during the Marcos era was strong at times, but when looked at over his whole regime it was not characterized by strong economic growth. Penn World Tables report real growth in GDP per capita averaged 3.5% from 1951 to 1965, while under the Marcos regime (1966 to 1986) annual average growth was only 1.4%. To help finance a number of economic development projects, such as infrastructure, the Marcos government engaged in borrowing money. Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging its residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.[36] The rate was only less than 5% in the previous decade. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion ($7.7 billion) in 1972 to P193 billion ($27 billion) in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. Most of these "tourists" were Filipino balikbayans (returnees) who came under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program, launched in 1973.

Economic growth was largely financed, however, by U.S. economic aid and several loans made to the Marcos government as the country's foreign debts increased by over 27 billion USD when Marcos assumed the presidency. A sizable amount of this money went to Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans. These loans were assumed by the government and still being serviced by taxpayers.[37] Today, more than half of the country's revenues are outlaid for the payments on the interests of loans alone.

Another major source of economic growth was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers, unable to find jobs locally, sought and found employment in the Middle East, Singapore and Hong Kong. These overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned much-needed foreign exchange for the Philippines.

The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed scared off tourists. The political troubles also hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.

In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.

However, the economy experienced negative economic growth from the beginning of 1984 and continued to decline despite the government's recovery efforts. The recovery program's failure was caused by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government, and Marcos's lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party's campaign funds. The unemployment rate ballooned from 6.30% in 1972 to 12.55% in 1985.

POST-PRESIDENCY

At 3:00 p.m., February 20,1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt,[38] asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly",[38] to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family including his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters[39] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.[40][41] Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart and lung ailments. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The late strongman's remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of Ferdinand Marcos, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras, was earlier carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed by suspects that include left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who have been displaced by its construction, and looters hunting for the Marcos' legendary hidden treasure.[42] Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990 but was still facing a few hundred additional corruption charges in Philippine courts in 2006.

In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by victims or their surviving relatives for torture, execution and disappearances.[43]

On June 12, 2008, the US Supreme Court (in a 7-2 ruling penned by Justice Anthony Kennedy in “Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel”) held that: “The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action.” The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover $35 million, part of a $2 billion judgment in U.S. courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. It claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.[44][45][46]

Human rights groups place the number of victims of extrajudicial killings under martial law at 1500 and Karapatan, a local human rights group's records show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies never found). Military historian Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and in his speech "Dark Legacy" cites 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos years.[47][48] The newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly") places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at 120,000.

LEGACY

Marcos' practice of using the politics of patronage in his desire to be the ninong or godfather of not just the people but the judiciary, legislative and administrative branches of the government ensured his downfall, no matter how Marcos justified it according to his own philosophy of the "politics of achievement." This practice entailed bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement to gain the support of the aforementioned sectors. The 14 years of his dictatorship, according to critics, have warped the legislature, judiciary and the military.[50][51]

Another allegation was that his family and cronies looted so much wealth from the country that to this day investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars have been salted away. The Swiss government has returned 684 million USD in allegedly ill-gotten Marcos wealth.[52][53][54]

According to staunch Marcos critic Jovito Salonga, monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as the coconut industries (under Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), the tobacco (under Lucio Tan), the banana (under Antonio Floirendo), the sugar industry (under Roberto Benedicto) and manufacturing (under Herminio Disini and Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDC), of which the present name is Phillipine Long Distance Telephone (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (a national electric company), Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ABS-CBN), several banks, and real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii.[55] The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance.

However, he put these talents to work by building a regime that he apparently intended to perpetuate as a dynasty. A former aide of Marcos said that "nobody will ever know what a remarkable president he could have made. That's the saddest part." Among the many documents he left behind in the palace, after he fled in 1986, was one appointing his wife as his successor.

Opponents state that the evidence suggests that he used the communist threat as a pretext for seizing power. However, the communist insurgency was at its peak during the late 1960s to early 1970s when it was found out that the People's Republic of China was shipping arms to support the communist cause in the Philippines after the interception of a vessel containing loads of firearms. After he was overthrown, former Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile stated that certain incidents had been contrived to justify the imposition of martial law,[56][57] such as Enrile's ambush.

His most ardent supporters[who?] claim Marcos had genuine concern for reforming the society as evidenced by his actions during the period, up until his cronies, whom he entirely trusted, had firmly entrenched themselves in the government. By then, they say he was too ill and too dependent on them to act. The same has been said about his relationship with his wife Imelda, who became the government's main public figure in light of his illness, by then wielding perhaps more power than Marcos himself.

Many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended.[58] Few credit Marcos for promoting Filipino culture and nationalism. His 21 years in power with the help of U.S. massive economic aid and foreign loans enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than any of his predecessors combined.[25] Due to his iron rule, he was able to impose order and reduce crime by strict implementation of the law. The relative economic success that the Philippines enjoyed during the initial part of his presidency is hard to dispel. Many of Marcos's accomplishments were overlooked after the so-called "People Power Revolution", but the Marcos era definitely had accomplishments in its own right.[citation needed]

Writer Manuel L. Quezon III states that "in the end, as Marcos’s health and grip on power weakened, he came to validate what is said to be the fundamental weakness of all strong man regimes: as the saying goes, nothing grows under the shade of a great tree. Marcos could not — would not — provide for a successor; and it was on the fundamental question of what should come after Marcos that his regime began to crumble, and fell... that he himself, with his virtues (and he had many: love of country, love of learning, discipline, loyalty) and his defects (confusing form with substance, ignoring how the means power is acquired is as important as how you use it, tolerance of his supporters’ mistakes, and his using armed force to compensate for some political weaknesses) are as much about our society’s strengths and weaknesses, as they were about his own.[59] "

According to Transparency International, Marcos is the first Philippine Head of State and the second most corrupt head of government ever, after Suharto, with Estrada as the tenth and second Philippine Head of State in terms of corruption.[60][61] Even so, according to a recent survey, some Filipinos prefer Marcos's rule due to the shape of the country in administrations succeeding his.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_Marcos